Classroom Management Essay Example for Free

Classroom Management Essay Introduction This paper will present the importance of setting standards within the classroom. Transitioning is one the most important part of planning. Without a classroom management students will not understand the role that they play within the classroom community. I believe the one of the most important details in the development of lesson planning is implementing effective transitioning to minimize behavior problems. Students need to in a positive and encouraging environment for them to succeed and setting high expectations for them. Establishment of rules The purpose of setting classroom rules is to create a safe yet challenging environment. I believe that educators should strive daily to meet the needs of students spiritually, socially and mentally. The theoretical foundation applied by an educator is like a roadmap that enables the students to arrive at their intended educational expectations. An educator’s theoretical foundation should be precise, integrated and complete. Such a model should consider each aspect of students being. When God created man, He made man in His own image. Man is a spiritual being, who possesses a soul that lives inside a body. And yes, having an established prevention class makes it all possible. Gaining students trust and respect is a very critical first step in creatinine a positive learning environment. If I can have respect for my students as well as having them respecting each other, I believe this leads to a safe environment where learning can take place. I believe that students should be a part of creating the classroom rules because they will be more likely to comply. By creating the rules they will have a personal and moral connection. In kindergarten the students learned the school rules and of course they would have to be implemented throughout their school career as a student. The first grade daily rules will be posted at the appropriate eye level so that students have easy access to the rules. The rules will be posted and consistently followed throughout the school year. I will discuss the rules, consequences, and rewards with the class daily. It is imperative that I set the expectations of the classroom immediately. This will be ongoing practice throughout the school year. I will also encourage the parents to go over the classroom expectations at home. As we begin to create the classroom rules, I will model/discuss with the students what a good classroom rule looks like. For example creating mini lesson that include possible scenario’s along with consequences as a result of the unwarranted behaviors. This way they understand what is expected of them when creating the rules. I will explain to the students that I will develop the first five of the six classroom rules. I will write all the rules of the board and in a student centered discussion ask why they think this rule is important. The first rule is to follow directions the first time that they are given. Second, listen when others are talking at all times. Third, raise your hand and wait to be called on before responding. Fourth, work quietly and do not disturb others. Fifth, you must keep our hands to yourself at all times. Each day student’s will have a chance to earn â€Å"smile sticks. † Smile sticks can easily be earned whenever a student is displaying appropriate behavior by: following directions, walking quietly in the hallway, helping others, etc. At the end of each week, smile sticks are counted and each student with 8 or more sticks will get a chance to pull from the treasure chest. Parents will be notified daily of positive and negative experiences. Daily Routine On the second day of school will go over the rules discussed on the first day and revisit the class tour. On this day, I will go over the morning routine that is displayed daily within the classroom. The students will be asked to come in and immediately select their breakfast and begin to eat. The students as well as parents will receive information on the time breakfast is served, and the amount of time provided to students. Next, I will discuss and model the appropriate items to bring into the classroom from the lockers located within the classrooms. I will next discuss the importance of attendance and being tardy to school. Then I will discuss/model and teach appropriate procedures for sharpening pencils, restroom, and turning in assignments. Parents will receive a welcome letter that tells about me. The parents’ will also receive a school handbook and classroom expectations. Setting daily routines is important for all grade level students but especially lower L students. On the third day we will get to know each other and I will provide an assignment â€Å"getting to know me† the students will take this assignment home for homework. This sheet will allow them to go home and complete with their parents and come to school ready to share. I will store the assignment within their file so that I can always use it as a reference guide. The classroom tour Each day within the first week of school it is important that students get comfortable with their new environment. We will take a classroom tour and learn where all resources and materials are within the classroom. Once we have gone through a tour and I explained as well the demographics of things, we will do a quick assessment. I will choose a student by pulling Popsicle sticks randomly. An example of this assessment is to simply ask questions. For example: â€Å"If I need to find my writing journal, where would I go to retain it? † This exercise would give students moving about within the classroom and getting comfortable and familiar with the placement of various tools and resources. Transitions Students often find it difficult to transitions between assignments and changes class periods. I have witnessed difficulties at all age levels and it is a task that must be made smooth by all teachers. According to Kellough Jarolimek, smooth transitions can be facilitated by implementing structured activities that help students make these transitions. Transitions are less trouble when teachers plan them carefully during their preactive phase of instruction and write them into their lesson plan. (Kellough Jarolimek, 2013) A significant stumbling block to the flow of instruction is in attention to transitions between activities, lessons, subjects, or class periods. It is here that teachers are likely to feel that they are less effective in maintaining the flow of instruction. Effective transitions are structured to move students from one activity to another, both physically and cognitively. The goal of smooth transitions is to ensure that all students have the materials and mind-sets they need for a new activity The start of the day students will begin their bell work assignment on a daily basis. Once bell-work is completed then students will begin journal writing based on a selected topic. During transition periods the student will be able to earn table points. The table with the most points at the end of the week have to opportunity to pick a prize from the treasure box. The transition procedure will be explained throughout the school year. Once we complete the lesson the students have two minutes to prepare for the table point game. Preparation includes putting away their current supplies and sitting as an effective leader and finally pause. The table that is prepared in this manner first, gets an opportunity to answer the first question in the point game. With this activity I am able to assess the students’ knowledge of the prior lesson as well engage them in a fun activity. Using transitions as a tool to help maintain the flow of instruction will ensure meaning instruction. During the transition for lunch, I will set clear and concise directions through-out our daily interactions. Twenty minutes before lunch the students will wrap up their math lesson and collect reading material from their baskets (DEAR). Students will begin to line up once their table is called and will proceed to the lunchroom. Conclusion Today most classrooms suffer do to a lack of effective planning in the area of classroom management. A classroom prevention plan is imperative to having a successful year and students reaching the goals set forth by educators. I believe that if students are a part of creating the classroom rules, they will be less likely to fall short of following the rules. On the first day of school first graders are for of energy, nervous and anxious of what’s to come ahead. Parents are standing in the door way afraid to say goodbye but excited for the journey that their first grader is about to embark on. Establishing a structured environment in the beginning and allowing the parent and students to have access to clear rules and expectation is the recipe for a successful school year! References Van Brummelen, H. (2009). Walking with God in the Classroom: Christian Approaches to Teaching and Learning. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design Publications. Kellough, R. D. , Jarolimek J. (2005). Teaching and learning K-8: a guide to methods and resources (9th ed. ). New York: Macmillan.

Analysis Of Radicalisation And Extremism Criminology Essay

Analysis Of Radicalisation And Extremism Criminology Essay Radicalisation is a complex term which has different meanings and can be used in different contexts. To be radicalised does not necessarily mean that one has to resort to violence or terrorism. It is not a synonym to extreme religious teachings or activities either. Radicalism can be intolerant behaviour or intolerance towards the views of other people. It can be intolerance towards homosexuality, ethnicity, race, colour, religion. Being radical can be intolerance towards the western culture or Asian immigrants living in Britain as well. The US Southern Baptists do not recognise homosexuality as a valid alternative lifestyle (Kahn, 2006). The army of God, a Christian extremist group in the US murders doctors who practice abortion (Gray, 2007). A former Dutch immigration minister sought to deny asylum to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Iranians, threatening to deport them back to Iran which imposes a death penalty on homosexual conduct (Human Rights Watch, 2007). Do the above examples not illustrate radical and extremist behaviour? Therefore Radicalisation can vary from having extreme views about something to intolerant behaviour towards certain people, to violent radicalisation which has severe consequences. For the purpose of this research we shall look into extremist radicalisation or violent radicalisation with religious or political aims. According to Precht (2007), Radicalisation is a process of adopting an extremist belief system and the willingness to use, support, or facilitate violence and fear as a method of effecting changes in society. In this definition we can see that a person is radicalised when they adopt an extremist belief system and perceive society as defective and aim to change it through non-violent or violent ways. There is a very fine line between extremism and radicalisation. According to Archbishop Desmond Tutu extremism is when you do not allow for a different point of view; when you hold your own views as being quite exclusive; when you dont allow for the possibility of difference (Tutu, 2006). One could argue that there is nothing wrong with extremism or radicalisation, as it does not necessarily lead to violence but on the other hand the very fine line can easily be crossed over. However when extremism starts to have a political end, for example to force governments to the table of negotiation or to changes in policy it then converges into radicalisation (Davies, 2008). And when the willingness to use violence for a political or religious change combines with this radicalisation it can lead to terrorism. Radicalisation is a process where an individual adopts extreme political or religious ideas and goals, becoming convinced that the attainment of these goals justifies extreme methods (Ongering, 2007). In the context of this research we shall look into Islamist radicalisation or violent Islamism. Before we look into the literature we should not confuse the terms Islam and Islamist. Islam is a religion and the follower of this religion is known as a Muslim not an Islamist. Islamist or Islamism is a term coined by the West to differentiate between Islam the faith or religion and Islamism as the ideology or political Islam. Islamism refers to a political ideology that strives to create a state and society in conformity with religious doctrine and Shariah (Islamic) law. An Islamist is a person who uses religious arguments to further political goals; in contrast a militant Islamist or violent Islamism is when there is a willingness to use violence to advance their goals (Precht, 2007). Again there is a difference between adopting political Islam in a non-violent way, as many Muslim organisations in the contemporary world do, and adopting political Islam in a violent way portrayed by the violent acts perpetrated in the name of Islam by certain groups and individuals who distort the teachings of Islam in their own extremist ways. It is the latter that leads to terrorism. How do young Muslims become radicalised and resort to violence. There have been numerous studies with respect to the process of radicalization. In the view of the NYPD (New York City Police Department) study, the adoption of the Salafi-Jihadi ideology is a key driver that motivates young men and women to carry out acts of violence and terrorism (Silber and Bhatt, 2007). This study conducted by the NYPD (Silber and Bhatt, 2007) suggests that the radicalisation process is composed of four distinct phases. The first phase is pre- radicalisation, in which an individual has a normal life and this is a period before the journey to extremism and the adoption of Salafi-Jihadi ideology. The second stage is self-identification, where individuals explore Salafi Islam and move away from their old identity towards a new world view and begin to associate themselves with like minded people. The catalyst in this phase usually is a cognitive opening or a crisis like losing a job or international conflicts involving Muslims. The third stage in the process is indoctrination, where the adopted Salafi-Jihadi ideology intensifies. This leads the individual into militant jihad and this phase is usually facilitated and driven by a spiritual sanctioner. While the final and fourth stage is jihadization, where individuals accept their duty to participate in jihad and self designate themselves as holy warriors. Ultimately they begin operational training for jihad or terrorist attacks (Silber and Bhatt, 2007). For Silber and Bhatt (2007) a person is radicalised when they go through these stages in a systematic way as if it were a funnel. Some would go all the way through the funnel and become terrorists and others would exit in any of the early stages. An important point to note in their study is: Entering the process does not mean one will progress through all four stages and become a terrorist. However, it also does not mean that if one does not become a terrorist, he or she is no longer a threat. Individuals who have been radicalized but are not jihadists may serve as mentors and agents of influence to those who might become the terrorists of tomorrow (Silber and Bhatt, 2007:84) I beg to differ with Silber and Bhatt (2007) on the observation quoted above. It is not necessary that if a person does not go through the whole process of radicalisation and exits at some stage, we should still perceive him or her as a threat. There is ample evidence that many individuals who have been radicalised and who do not become terrorists can still continue and live as normal peace loving citizens. They do not always serve as mentors or agents of influence for the terrorists of tomorrow. If we study biographies of former Islamist radicals or extremists, we do come across real life examples of people like Ed Husain, Majid Nawaz, Shiraz Maher and Hassan Bhatt who joined radical Islam in Britain, got radicalized to a great extent and then left it, becoming normal peace loving citizens of their country (Biggar and Hogan, 2009). Ed Hussain, a former Islamist radical tells his story of how he joined radical Islamist groups in Britain, moving from Jamaat Islami to Young Muslims Organisation (YMO) and then to the more radicalised Hizb-ut-Tahrir. After several years of activism in radical Islamist groups he finally realized in the mid 90s that he was disillusioned with these groups and became more interested in traditional Sufi Islam and non political scholars in Islam. Living a normal life with his wife in Britain, he is a devout Muslim and a believer in traditional Islamic teachings and has shunned radical and political Islam (Husain, 2007). Realizing how he misinterpreted Islam initially and fell prey to radical and political Islam; and viewed Islam as an ideology rather than a religion, he states: For me, being a Muslim is not a political identity- Islam does not teach us a monolithic approach to life. The Prophet did not create new systems of government, but adopted existing paradigms from seventh-century Arabia (Husain, 2007:269) This refutes Silber and Bhatts (2007) study because their radicalisation process does not acknowledge that radicalized individuals can revert back to a normal peace loving life. It does not have room for individuals who have been radicalised and then shunned radicalisation, as they are still seen as a threat in their model. Husain furthers his argument and explains how he feels about the non political nature of Islam, In Mecca I met Muslims who were unalike in their background and culture but united in their belief. For me that is the true ummah- a spiritual community, not a political bloc (Husain, 2007: 269-70). Another example is Majid Nawaz, who got involved with radical Islamist groups in Britain and later realized how he had misinterpreted Islam: As I studied various branches of traditional Islamic sciences, however, I grew more and more surprised. The sheer breadth of scholastic disagreement that I found, on issues I had believed were so definitive in Islam, surprised meà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ It slowly dawned on me that what I had been propagating was far from true Islam. I began to realise that what I had subscribed to was actually Islamism sold to me in the name of Islam (Nawaz, 2007). However, having explicated that, it does not mean that the study carried out by Silber and Bhatt (2007) does not hold any relevance at all regarding the radicalisation process. I concur with their view that extreme religious ideology (Salafi-Jihadi) is a key driver that motivates young people to get radicalised. The spread of Salafi-Jihadi ideology and books by radical ideologues such as Mawdudi and Syed Qutb have proven to have great influence in the radicalisation process of individuals (Husain, 2007; Nawaz, 2007; Change Institute, 2008) I will shed some light on another model of the radicalisation process with similarities to Silber and Bhatts (2007) model. Tomas Prechts (2007) analysis on the radicalisation process is similar with the four stages by Silber and Bhatt (2007). Precht (2007) explains that there is no single cause or catalyst for radicalisation. One of the differences in these models is that in Prechts model, he focuses on the far broader cause of extremism rather than the individuals adoption of the Salafi-Jihadi ideology in his conversion and identification stage. He focuses on three broad sets of causes which are: Background factors: a Muslim identity crisis, experiences of discrimination, alienation and perceived injustices Trigger factors: Western foreign policy and provocative events, the presence of a charismatic leader or adviser and the glorification of jihad Opportunity factors: These are venues or locations where like minded people meet for the purpose of radicalisation by giving inspiration or serving as recruiting grounds. For example the internet, mosques, schools and universities and sports activities (Precht, 2007). For Precht radicalisation or terrorism is: Largely viewed as a sociological phenomenon where issues like belonging, identity, group dynamics, and values are an important element in the transformation process. Religion, as such, play an important role, but for some it probably rather serves as a vehicle for fulfilling other goals (Precht, 2007:71) Criticizing the religious ideology driven radicalisation process, Sageman (2004), emphasises the role of social bonds in the radicalisation process, social bonds play a more important role in the emergence of the global Salafi Jihad than ideology (Sageman, 2004:178). In another research study he concludes that the terrorists studied during trials in Western Europe and North America were not intellectuals or ideologues (Sageman, 2008:156-7). He believes that less focus should be placed on ideology and religion and instead the discourse should focus more on social networking to radicalisation and the jihad movement. Studying the profiles of radical Islamists we can see many inconsistencies. Some are well educated, some are well off, others genuinely poor, some are married, others single, some are western born and educated, others are foreign students, and some had integrated well in western society while others less so (Al-Lami, 2008) On the other hand certain similarities have also been identified in studying radicalised individuals. A key factor is that the majority of Muslim youth in the west who became radicalised or got involved in terrorism were religious novices. They had superficial knowledge of Islam and were easy lured into radical and extremist ideologies, distorting their interpretation of Islam. Since they were novices they could not authenticate this extreme version of Islam taught to them by radical preachers (Sageman, 2004; Choudhury, 2007; Husain, 2007). An interesting concept about radicalisation is offered by Mandel (2008), who says to be radical is to be extreme relative to something that is defined or accepted as normative, traditional, or valued as the status quo. What he means is that its a matter of perspectives. What one group may regard as radical, another may regard that as normal or acceptable. Adversaries may each regard the others act and motivating belief systems as extreme, perhaps overly so. In this sense, the attribution of being a radical or radicalised may be intended by the attributer as a negative characterization of the attributee. More specifically, the attributer may use the term radical to convey that the attributee poses a source of threat to the attributers traditional way of life (Mandel, 2008:9) Keeping this concept of perspectives in mind, it implies that for liberal governments in Britain, Islamists or Jihadists are seen as radicals who threaten their way of life. But for the Islamists the label may be seen as a virtuous characteristic associated with attempts to return to a society in line with their own belief systems and values. But this kind of concept can be a bit problematic in the sense that there is no universal definition of what is right and what is wrong. There are no black and white truths when it comes to belief systems or ways of life. What would be the limit of going radical in either direction, whether liberal or Islamist? Some scholars do not differentiate between the different forms of Islam and see the problem with Islam as a whole rather than with Islamism or radical forms of Islam. In their view Muslims are a different civilization altogether, and are convinced about the superiority of their culture (Huntington, 1996). The problem with this view is that it treats Islam as monolithic and uniform religion. In reality Islam is not like that and has many different faces and interpretations across both historical time and at the present (Murshed and Pavan, 2009:3). Identity politics is another key factor that contributes to radicalisation. Muslim youth in the West feel a need to carve out their own identities, because they cannot relate to their parents ethnic communities and the Western societies they live in simultaneously. Another key catalyst for radicalisation and terrorism is western foreign policy, which has backfired domestically; conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Bosnia and Chechnya come to be seen as crusades against Muslims (Al-Lami, 2008). Socio-economic disadvantage and political factors such as the Wests foreign policy with regard to Muslims and certain historical grievances play a part in the development of radicalisation (Murshed and Pavan, 2009). There have also been instances where opportunistic politicians in Western Europe have created hatred amongst the majority and minority communities, producing a backlash. Racism and anti Muslim immigration has also been seen as a driver for the radicalisation process, All over Western Europe there has been growth in single issue, anti-immigrant, especially anti-Muslim immigrant partiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦racist messages that breed fear of minorities like Muslims, can emanate from attention seeking politicians, who campaign on a single issue that scapegoat a particular group for all of societys ills (crime, unemployment and so on) (Murshed and Pavan, 2009). Socio-economic deprivation, low education and unemployment have been one of the most common explanations for radicalisation. Statistics show that Muslims, compared to other religious groups, have the highest rates of unemployment, high prison population and poor housing facilities (Awan, 2007:211). However Sageman (2004) does not accept this explanation of radicalisation. He mentions that out of the 172 biographies of Salafi-Jihadists he examined, over 60 percent were well educated and a high proportion of them were professionals and most had semi-skilled occupations. Another interesting illustration of the radicalisation process in British Muslims is given by McRoy (2006). He suggests that there has been a systematic radicalisation in British Muslims mainly due to a number of incidents or events starting from 1988 with the controversial and anti-Islamic book, The Satanic Verses. The publication of Salman Rushdies book The Satanic Verses in 1988 was the defining watershed for British Muslim Identity and activism (McRoy, 2006:10). The book was publically burned in Birmingham, giving very strong signs of radical behaviour. The second major event was the Gulf Crisis of 1992-93, when Iraq invaded Kuwait, which was seen as an anti-imperialist action by Iraq. And when Britain supported the war against Iraq whilst rejecting similar action to end the Israeli occupation of Palestine, it created more hatred towards the West and Muslims felt that the West had double standards when it came to helping out Muslims. And then came the Bosnian Crisis, when Muslims lost faith in the West and this fuelled radicalisation amongst British Muslims (McRoy, 2006). It is almost impossible to say with certainty what the causes of radicalisation are, as it is difficult to know whether a factor is instrumental or merely present. It is more helpful to think about radicalising agents- factors which are present and appear frequently across different cases, for example, key places, charismatic leaders, relationship links, experiences and assumed grievances (Briggs and Birdwell, 2009). As we have seen in the literature, there are many reasons scholars have stated for the radicalisation process. Religious ideology (Salafi-Jihadi), political ideology, social bonds, perceived injustices against Muslims around the world (Bosnia, Kashmir, and Palestine), Western foreign policy, influence by charismatic leaders, poverty and deprivation, low education, unemployment, identity politics, racism, anti- Muslim immigration and so on. Having understood that the radicalisation process can occur by any of these reasons or factors, for the purpose of this research I shall look into another factor that has not been given the attention and importance it deserves by many Western governments, that is radicalisation and violence caused by state power or by the policies which are developed for countering radicalisation and violence. How the UK counter terrorism policies have impacted on radicalising individuals in the UK. It is surprising why the UK government and the intelligence committees, while assessing the effectiveness of the counter-terrorism policies, did not acknowledge the potentially damaging effect counter-terrorism measures themselves can have in contributing to radicalisation (Blick et al, 2006). When we say counter terrorism policies it implies both domestic and foreign policies for the purpose of this research. Although there has been literature regarding this aspect, but this factor (state-power) has rare ly been treated as an independent factor which added to other factors could also perpetuate or contribute to the radicalisation process. I am undertaking this research to contribute to the growing literature in this area. Chapter 2: Policy Development and UK Counter terrorism strategy: If we look at UKs history in creating coercive counter terrorism laws, which targeted specific communities, it dates back to 1974, when the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was introduced, to deal with the Irish political violence (Hillyard, 1993). These laws were targeting the Irish community as a whole and were seen as a cause of the continuity and increase in the scale of the Irish related violence. The PTA established a dual system of justice, where conventional criminals who committed crimes such as murder, rape, theft were tried in the ordinary criminal justice system while a shadow and more draconian system developed to deal with those suspected of Irish terrorism'(Hillyard:1993). However For the purpose of this research, I shall discuss and analyse the legislation and counter terrorism strategies, post September 11th 2001. This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part shall discuss the Counter terrorism strategy (CONTEST) of UK with special reference to the developments after September 11th 2001. The basis of the analysis on the legislation will be drawn from the terrorism act 2000. It will unfold the important components of the anti terror legislation through the analysis of CONTEST. The second part will focus on how this counter terrorist strategy was developed and the sources which have influenced these developments by examining it through a policy transfer model. This chapter will provide a foundation for the remaining part of the research. I. UK Counter terrorism strategy (CONTEST) There are five major pieces of legislation in the UK to combat terrorism, and these legislations and laws are the foundation of the CONTEST. They are Terrorism act 2000; Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001; The Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005; The Terrorism Act 2006 and The Counter-Terrorism Act 2008. The UKs Counter-terrorism strategy knows as CONTEST, has been in existence since 2003 but was first published in 2006 and revised in 2009 to acknowledge the changing threat of terrorism (HM Government, 2009). The strategy has four elements- the four Ps: Pursue, Prevent, Protect and Prepare. For the purpose of this research I shall discuss the Pursue and Prevent elements of the CONTEST. Pursue, is the most important priority for the government because it deals with stopping terrorist attacks. The pursue element of CONTEST aims to reduce the terrorist threat to the UK and UK interests overseas through the detection and investigation of terrorist networks and the disruption of their activities (HM Government, 2009:61). The Pursue element of CONTEST is intelligence led and it aims at close coordination and collaboration of domestic police and intelligence agencies as well as international agencies. This intelligence gathering is used to disrupt terrorists, by the use of prosecution as the first option but if that is not possible then other options like, deportation, control orders, freezing and seizing financial assets and proscription of organisations, can be used as alternative means. Successful prosecution in the courts, based on gathering the necessary evidence and apprehending those involved in planning acts of terrorism before they can carry out their intentions is the preferred method of disrupting terrorist activities according to CONTEST (HM Government, 2006:20). In facilitating the prosecution of suspected terrorists, section 44 of the Terrorism act 2000 extended the police powers of stop and search, which were widely and sometimes disproportionately used as a component of the pursue element of CONTEST. According to section 44, a senior police officer may specify or designate areas or places in which an officer may stop and search vehicles, drivers or pedestrians on suspicion of being involved or aiming to carry out terrorist activity (Terrorism Act, 2000 online: http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2000/pdf/ukpga_20000011_en.pdf) These stop and search powers of the police have been very controversial and are disproportionately used against some communities. In 2004-2005 police stopped and searched 35,800 pedestrians, vehicles and occupants under section 44 and arrested only 455 people (just over 1 percent of those stopped). Very few of these 1% arrested, relate to terrorism. This law has been targeting Asians communities and has created a wedge between community relations which has dangerous consequences (Blick, et al 2006). There has always been speculation about the disproportionate use of these stop and search powers on certain communities. On one hand ethnic profiling could be seen as necessary to identify criminals or terrorists, as some people would argue that it is amongst some ethnic groups that terrorists belong. But on the other hand if a terrorist belongs to the Muslim community for example, is it fair to target the whole Muslim community and assume that there are more terrorists amongst them. Or do we need the help of that particular community to identify terrorists. If we target them disproportionately, there is a chance of isolating them and losing that opportunity of winning their support and confidence in order to identify terrorists or criminals. After the September 11th 2001 attacks there was greater collaboration between UK and US police and homeland security departments which led to greater searches. Between 2001 and 2007 there were 205,000 police searches for terrorist related activities in England and Wales. Out of these 205,000 stops and searches there were only 2,571 arrests, just 1 percent of the total (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009a). Another controversial law is the pre-charge detention. Under section 41 of the Terrorism Act 2000, the police may arrest someone on reasonable suspicion that they are a terrorist and keep them in detention without charge till seven days (Terrorism Act, 2000). Pre-charge detention was further extended to 14 days in 2003 and then to 28 days by the terrorism act 2006, and now it is the highest number of days (pre-charge detention) compared to any democracy in the world (Liberty, 2007). The Joint Committee on Human Rights has noted that preventive detention is not permissible under article 5 (the right to liberty and security of a person) of the European Convention and warned that it could not be introduced without a derogation, which would require the government to claim that the life of the nation is in peril (Blick et al, 2006:48). This 28 day pre-charge detention has been vilified by human rights organisations all over UK. They are of the view that the police dont need 28 days to investigate someone on suspicion of terrorist activities. Between the time the pre-charge detention for 28 days was passed and October 2007, there were 204 arrests under the terrorism act. Out of 204 suspects only 11 were detained for more than 14 days. Eight of these were charged and three were released without charge (Liberty, 2007). This shows how14 days are more than sufficient for investigating suspected terrorists. The Terrorism Act 2000 gives the home secretary the power to proscribe groups involved in terrorism, and membership of a proscribed group is illegal. By 2009, 59 terrorist groups were proscribed by this act, including 14 groups belonging to Northern Ireland (HM Government, 2009). The 2006 terrorism act also makes it a criminal offense to encourage terrorism directly or indirectly inciting or encouraging others to commit acts of terrorism. This includes an offense of the glorification of terror- people who praise or celebrate terrorism in a way that may encourage others to commit a terrorist act. The maximum penalty is seven years imprisonment (Guardian, 2010: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/libertycentral/2009/jan/19/terrorism-act-2006). Many political groups and organisations are banned as a result of the pursue element of CONTEST, granted by the terrorism act 2000. A range of activities, including non violent activities of some of these groups, whose aims are geographical and political with regards to internal strife and conflict in their home countries such as Kurdistan, Sri Lanka, and Kashmir are banned and criminalized. These groups have connections to minority ethnic and refugee communities in UK. Supporting and even attending meetings of these groups is banned (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009a). Some of these groups are not terrorist organisations but aim to over throw their local governments due to oppression and violence against them. Are we not limiting the freedom of expression through the use of these coercive measures? The UK has always been seen as a champion of the freedom of expression and the freedom of speech, but it is not true any more. The 2001 Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act (ATCSA), which was introduced as a result of the September 11th attacks, led to new measures on asset freezing, account monitoring and cash seizures (HM Government, 2009). The 2008 Counter-Terrorism Act further strengthens police investigatory powers by introducing post-charge interviews. Other measures have been introduced to deal with suspected terrorists who cannot be prosecuted. There are control orders, created by the 2005 Prevention of Terrorism Act, for individuals suspected of posing a terrorist risk but for whom a trial or deportation is considered impossible. These place indefinite and severe restrictions on an individuals movement, communication and associations through curfew, tagging and surveillance. They have proven to be among the most controversial of measures because they require no finding of guilt by the courts (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009b). The Prevent element of CONTEST is concerned with radicalisation of individuals and how to stop them from becoming terrorists. The aim of the prevent element is to stop radicalisation, reducing support for terrorism and discouraging people from becoming terrorists (HM Government, 2009:83). In order to understand how this strategy works I shall look into the definition of terrorism, provided by the terrorism act 2000, around which all these laws and legislations are established. But the Irony is that the definition of terrorism provided by the government is so broad, that it includes a lot of non-violent activity, threats or acts of serious violence against a person, damage to property and serious disruption of an electronic system as well as acts that create a serious risk to the health or safety of persons, whenever such acts or threats are made for the purpose of advancing a political, ideological or religious cause (Terrorism Act 2000, online) This definition gives the police and law enforcement agencies too much discretion. Many legitimate gatherings can be targeted by the use of this definition. For example, for several years cyclists have taken to the streets in cities around the world. The aim of the gatherings has been described as to reclaim the streets. However due to such a huge number of participants these rides can seriously disrupts traffic and can be said to pose danger to the health and safety of cyclists as well as other road users. They can also intimidate a section of the public; they arguably fall within the definition of terrorism (ARTICLE 19, 2006). The important components of the prevent element of CONTEST (HM Government, 2009) involves, challenging the ideology behind violent extremism and supporting moderate Muslim scholars and influential voices in order to defy the extremist ideology. Disrupting those who promote violent extremism and supporting the places where they operate. According to the government, the radicaliser is as important as the radicalised. Therefore using the powers under the 2006 terrorism act, the police will prosecute those who encourage or glorify terrorism and take action against the places where they operate. Supporting ind

Jack The Ripper :: essays research papers fc

Jack the Ripper   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jack the Ripper killed five women between the 31st of August 1888 and the 9th of November 1888. They were murdered in Whitechapel and Spitalfields in the East End areas of London, England. The killer was never caught and because of this there are hundreds on his personality and motives. No other killer in the British history rivaled that of the gruesome, mocking, utterly superior Jack the Ripper, a multiple murderer whose arrogance and boldness deified the entire police department of London and held in terror a great city for as long as he cared to roam its streets and slay at will.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Mary Ann “Polly'; Nichols, aged 42, was the first of the Ripper victims, according to dedicated Ripperologists. Her body was found on Buck’s Row by a patrolling constable at 3:15 a.m. on August 31st 1888. The ripper had slashed her throat twice, and her abdomen had been savagely cut exposing the intestines. Her vaginal area had also been mutilated. The woman approximately five feet two inches tall with brown graying hair, brown eyes, and several missing teeth. Mary Ann Nichols had a drinking problem and spent most of her life making her earnings as a prostitute. She was a sad, destitute woman, but one that most people liked and pitied.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Annie Chapman, known to her friends as “Dark Annie';, was a 47 year old homeless prostitute. Suffering from depression and alcoholism, she did crochet work and sold flowers. Eventually she turned to prostitution despite her plain features, missing teeth and plump figure. She was found murdered on Saturday, September 8, 1888. Hey throat was cut and she had been very mutilated. Her abdomen had been cut open and the intestines had been removed and placed on her shoulder. The contents of the pelvis including her female organs and the bladder had been removed. No trace of these parts was found. The incisions were cleanly cut, the work obviously of an expert who had knowledge of anatomy and physiology   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Elizabeth Stride was born on November 27, 1843 in Gothenburg, Sweden. She was a well-liked woman who people nicknamed “Long Liz';. While she may have occasionally prostituted herself, for the most part she earned a living by doing sewing or cleaning work. She had blue eyes and wavy brown hair. She was also plump and missing several teeth. She was found murdered on Sunday, September 30, 1888.

Organ Transplantation and Ethical Considerations Essay -- Medicine Med

Organ Transplantation and Ethical Considerations In February 2003, 17-year-old Jesica Santillan received a heart-lung transplant at Duke University Hospital that went badly awry because, by mistake, doctors used donor organs from a patient with a different blood type. The botched operation and subsequent unsuccessful retransplant opened a discussion in the media, in internet chat rooms, and in ethicists' circles regarding how we, in the United States, allocate the scarce commodity of organs for transplant. How do we go about allocating a future for people who will die without a transplant? How do we go about denying it? When so many are waiting for their shot at a life worth living, is it fair to grant multiple organs or multiple transplants to a person whose chance for survival is slim to none? And though we, as compassionate human beings, want to help everyone, how far should our benevolence extend beyond our borders? Are we responsible for seeing that the needy who come to America for help receive their chance, or are we morally responsible to our own citizens only? Rationing scarce resources presents an ethical challenge. I believe that since available organs are so scarce, it is imperative that the utility of donated organs be maximized. In this paper, I suggest that organ allocation be rooted in distributive justice, which demands that equals be treated equally and unequals be treated unequally. I will explore this formal principle and the substantive criteria of equality, need and efficacy (maximum survivability) as they relate to the just allocation of organs for transplant. I will apply these principles of justice to JÃ ©sica's case to show that while her first transplant was warranted, her second was not. And, fin... ...ut Transplant Error," www.ormanager.com/tools/letter.pdf Kher, Unmesh and Paul Cuadros, "A Miracle Denied," Time Magazine, (March 3, 2003): 61. Kirkpatrick, C.D. and Jim Shamp, "Was Second Transplant a Waste of Organs?" (Herald-Sun, 3/2/03), www.herald-sun.com/archives Munson, Ronald, Intervention and Reflection, 6 ed (Belmont: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2000). Ubel, Peter A. Robert M. Arnold and Arthur L. Caplan, "Rationing Failure: The Ethical Lessons Of the Retransplantation of Scarce Vital Organs," reprinted in Arthur L. Caplan and Daniel H. Coelho, The Ethics of Organ Transplants, (Amhurst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1998), 260-73. Veatch, Robert M., Transplantation Ethics, (Washington, DC: Georgetown UP, 2000), 277-413. Vedantam, Shankar, "U.S. Citizens Get More Organs Than They Give," (Washington Post, 3/3/03), www.washingtonpost.com/ac2

Places in Gullivers Travels Essay -- essays research papers

Places In Gulliver's Travels By: Jonathan Swift Gulliver's Travels has several places that Gulliver visits. In this paper we will take a look a in-depth look at each of the places that Gulliver visits. In my opion Gulliver parelles many places to is home country, England. Lets take a look at the first stop in Gulliver's travels, Lilliput. Lilliput is inhabitited by people who are only six inches tall. Gulliver seems like a gigant. The Liliputians have a structured government and social lifestyles. The government has a senate, officials, a council, and an emperor. The government has several parrells to the England government. Gulliver tells us that these competitions, to choose the officials, who can 'Dance on the Rope', are often the cause of fatal accidents. Flimnap, in fact, would havekilled himself ina recent fall had not one of the king's "cushions" broken his fall. The king's "cushion" represents George I's mistress, who aided Walpole in his return to power after a "fall." Another comparison between Lilliput and England, Reldresal, a Lilliputian government officer. He represents Walpole's successor, he payed Gulliver a special visit. His purpose is to acquaint Gulliver further with domestic and international pol itics, and to enlist Gulliver for assists in protecting their land from invasion, corresponding to the Tories and the treats to France. In Lilliput, the warring parties are the High-Heels , the Tories, and the Low-Heels , the Whigs. Just as George I favored teh Whigs, so the Lilliputian emperor favors teh Low-Heels. Just as George I's successor, the Prince of Wales, indicated favor to both parties, the Lilliputian heir to the throne wears one high heel and one low. Although several things are parralleled to England some things are not the same. They both have punishment system that are based on different ideas, were as the Englandjudiciary system is based on on punishment, the Lilliputians judiciary system has its rewards for following the rules. They also have very stiff punishments for unjustly accusing another of a crime. If at a latter point in time the accused person is fround innocent, the person who wrongfully accused is put to an creul death and the un justly accused is rewa rded materially, and also recieves a title from the emperor. Upon leavin... ...y that is perfectly ordered, perfectly peaceful, except for the Yahoos, and exempt from the topsy-turviness of passion. In thier society there is also no crime, poverty, unhappiness but also their is no joy, passion, ecstatic love. Everything is done on an even keel. The Houyhnhnms are the representation of the perfect human culture. The marriages are arranged and the couples have no more feelings for each other than for any one else. The Yahoos are human-like, and are keep in a kennel, and prohibited from having anything to do with the Houyhnhnms. The Yahoo had arrived on thier island by acident. These people are less civilzed than the Houyhnhnms. They represent the lowest traits in human nature. They are gluttonous, filthy, lascivious, theiving, violentbrutes. Only physically do they resemble civilized people. They started out on the country only two Yahoo, and as they had children and their children had children they also lost the cilivilation and needed to be around other peo ple to stay civilized. In a way this represent the way Gulliver wanted him home country England to be, perfect in its ways. But what would they have done with the Yahoos that they would have incountered?

Describe How Health and Safety Legislation, Policies and Procedures Promote of Individuals in a Health or Social Care Setting

Describe how health and safety legislation, policies and procedures promote of individuals in a health or social care setting Health, Safety and security issues are extremely important in care settings in order to protect staff and children, and their families. Legislations and regulations ensure that guidelines are followed to enforce safety and security within an organisation. Legislation is law which has been created by a governing body.Before a piece of legislation becomes law it may be known as a bill, and may be broadly referred to as legislation while it remains under consideration to distinguish it from other business. Policies ensure that everyone must work within the law and meet the minimum care standards set out by the legislation. Finally, procedures are the steps that are needed to be followed to ensure everyone’s safety within the workplace.Control of Substances Hazardous to Health (COSHH, 2002), for example, requires employers to control substances that are haz ardous to health such as toxic, corrosive or irritant chemicals like cleaning products or even bodily fluids. In a setting such as a Nursery, hazardous substances that are not stored properly and are easily accessible to children may cause consummation further poisoning or spilling on themselves. This hazard could be minimised by storing these substances in a high, possibly locked, area so that children are not likely to get a hold of them and harm themselves.Also, the incorrect disposal of soiled nappies etc. can cause germs to spread and could cause infection or cross contaminations within the Nursery. This can be avoided by having a specific bin solely for the disposal of soiled nappies to ensure that harm cannot result from this. Ensure that all staff are trained on how to deal with an incident and giving them full information of the regulation because it helps them act quickly enough if there was to be an incident. The Food Safety Regulation Act (1995) makes sure there is a foo d hygiene standard in place in all businesses.Illnesses and infections can be easily cause by someone, be it a child or member of staff, not washing their hands before eating or preparing food. This could be after changing a nappy, going to the toilet or playing outside. This risk can be minimised by making sure everyone washes their hands before eating and before, during and after preparing meals. Also, ensure that all equipment is clean and in good condition as this can also cause contamination if dealing with raw and cooked foods.The Reporting of Injuries, Diseases and Dangerous Occurrences Regulation (1995) requires employers to report injuries and dangerous occurrences as soon as they happen. In a nursery, broken furniture, broken toys and small objects can lead to injury or possibly death. Broken furniture can cause children to cut or graze themselves on the sharp break offs. Whereas with broken or unsuitable toys, children can swallow the object causing choking or death. This risk can be avoided by carrying out regular checks of the furniture and toys, making sure they are suitable for use with children. If not, then they should be disposed of efficiently.With the Data Protection Act (1998), the nursery has to control and protect the handling of the personal information of children and parents. Recklessness and naivety can cause personal information being let out into the public eye. Staff writing down children’s or their parent’s personal details or opinions can end up open to public view. This can be minimised by making sure all data is kept secure on an internal wall, in a locked cupboard. Also, ensuring that all staff are trained to correctly deal with information and are aware of the consequences of recklessness can help lower the risk. www. hse. gov. uk www. foodstandards. gov

Welfare and Drug Testing

The welfare program was designed to be a temporary solution to help families in need to get back on their feet, and meet their basic needs. It Is estimated that 50 to 80 percent of family based services involve drugs or alcohol abuse (Chug 2001). Some advantages of mandatory drug testing for welfare recipients are that it fosters self-reliance, averts abuse of the welfare system, gives people an opportunity to receive treatment, and ensures correct allocation of tax dollars. So why not drug test the recipients before a person an get qualified for services? Drug abuse has been a problem in the United States for a very long time.In the beginning before there were regulations narcotics were freely used In elixirs and other medical and homemade remedies. It was not until the effects of these drugs were known, and the damage was already done that government regulations were put into place. It has been determined that the use of drugs has been the main cause of most crimes in the United St ates. Statistically it has been shown that nearly half of the current inmate population has some history of drug abuse. It has been brought to the attention of legislators that there is a drug abuse problem within the welfare system.When the welfare reform act of 1996 was passed there was a provision stated to allow drug testing on an as needed basis. This protocol has not been widely used, and seems to have been forgotten, until now that is. The government has identified a problem within the welfare system, and would like to recoup some of the losses, and also help some of the individuals that do have a problem. Welfare was meant to be a temporary fix† to help a person get back on their feet. If a drug problem Is present, a person will tend to stay on the system, not be employable, and use the benefits for which they were not Intended.To get this issue in check law makers would like to see people be drug tested before being approved for benefits, and periodic random tests whi le they are receiving them as well. There are also provisions for persons who have a drug problem to receive the treatment they need. This pale chart represents the results off poll Fox News did In 2010. The question was, â€Å"Do you Delves welfare recipients snouts De Aragua tested There are many different types of tests used to detect drugs in a person's yester. The type of testing used will be determined on the types of drugs being tested for and the cost effectiveness and time allotment.Some states are proposing the individual will pay for the testing, but will be reimbursed once the results come back negative. Other states are proposing the amount of money they will save by cutting back on benefit fraud will be more than enough to cover the costs of testing. The most cost effective and time efficient method of testing is urinalysis. This test can be administered in an office setting and the results are available immediately. The only down fall to this test is it can be beat b y taking herbal supplements that are made to mask the drug.It is also not accurate in testing for substances like cocaine and alcohol as they are not testable in the urine after 3 days. Hair testing is another option. This test is administered in a clinical setting, and requires small amounts of hair taken from different areas of the head. One inch of hair gives the clinician sixty days of history, and cannot be faked. Blood tests also require a clinical setting and a laboratory to read the results. With the last two options of testing turnaround time an be days, weeks, or months, and can be quite expensive.There are already a few states such as Michigan, Florida, and New Hampshire that have this protocol in place. The strongest argument for the testing of individuals is having such a program in place will help reduce the miss use and miss appropriation of taxpayer's monies. Governor Rick Scott, R Florida, states † It's not right for taxpayer money to be paying for somebody's drug addiction, On top of that, this is going to increase personal responsibility, personal accountability. We shouldn't be subsidizing people's addiction. (Scott, 2011). The state of Florida approved this bill that took effect July 1, 2011.Governor Scott also stated â€Å"It's the right thing for taxpayers,† Scott said after signing the measure. â€Å"It's the right thing for citizens of this state that need public assistance. We don't want to waste tax dollars. And also, we want to give people an incentive to not use drugs. † (Scott, 2011) It is perceived it would help reduce domestic violence and other drug related crimes. Individuals would also receive intervention and care they might not normally have access to without this program. If an individual were to fail a drug test they would be given the option to enter a state treatment program.If the person was to refuse treatment or have a second offense after completing the treatment they would lose their benefits fo r a period of one year. As with all new laws trying to be passed there are also those who are against it. Opponents of drug testing believe that it is violating the constitutional protections in the Fourth Amendment. The Fourth Amendment to the U. S Constitution states, the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.Columnist William Safari in The New York Times writes, Not only is my home my castle, my body is my citadel. Unless I give you a probable cause to suspect me of a crime, what goes on in my home and body and mind is my business Robin Merrill of Maine Equal Justice, which provides legal services for the poor states, â€Å"Random drug testing is very questionable legally with respect to constitutional issues. If the government has the right to drug- test people based on receipt of aid from public assistance programs, what is to stop en government Trot requiring Aragua tes ting Tort anyone won receives a student loan or any other government benefit?This law would create a very slippery slope with respect to infringement on people's right to privacy. † Another point in question is will this really save the tax payers any money? How much will the added administrative personal and the testing itself cost? The Miami Herald reports that the savings in Florida could reach one hundred thousand dollars, but no reports of administrative costs have been reported. Adversaries also raise the question about discrimination and alienation. They believe that singling out individuals because of their financial status could be disastrous and have negative effects.Cutting off families benefits because of the actions of an individual could do more harm than good. Just because an individual has a substance abuse problem, how can you prove they are not using their benefits appropriately? (Dona 2005) Whether you are in favor or opposed to welfare recipients being drug tested, the issue is one that most people will encounter on Election Day. People who are in favor say testing will allow people to get help that otherwise would fall through the cracks. It would also raise the UN employment rate by allowing those individuals to become better qualified to obtain and keep Jobs.